The Entrenched Oligarchy
By Alberto Romualdez, M.D.
5 May 2010
Ever since the restoration of Philippine independence in 1946, the country has been ruled uninterruptedly by either the wealthy elite themselves or their selected representatives. This is the result of an extremely successful American colonial policy of restricting access to political power to the “enlightened few” – defined as those who have a vested interest in allowing foreign exploitation of the country’s wealth.
As James Bradley, best-selling author of “The Imperial Cruise” (a history of American imperialism in Asia), put it: “The United States would free the Philippines after World War Two only to leave it under the rule of descendants of the entrenched oligarchy that William Howard Taft had taught democracy’s masquerade.”
Taft, and his archconservative political patron Theodore Roosevelt, laid the racist foundations of American colonial policy in this land of benighted “Pacific Negroes” which succeeding liberal American administrations would never quite fully remedy – at least partially because the power arrangements were also favourable to their own interests. Consequently, succeeding colonial administrations exploited the emerging confluence of vested interests among merchant classes, the educated elite, the Catholic Church, and their own carpetbaggers to construct a political system that would resist challenges by “native” nationalistic and progressive politicians.
Together these various groups imposed an American style constitution that would make it well-nigh impossible for anyone without wealth to win any but the lowest elective positions. The one meaningful attempt to radically change electoral politics – by Marcos and his 1973 Constitution – did not last long at least in part because most of the elite were excluded from continuing to partake of the spoils of an unjust system. In 1987, the same American presidential form of government was re-imposed – this time embellished with provisions introduced by a Catholic hierarchy intent on keeping Filipinos ignorant, docile and poor.
Thus it is that when fifty million Filipinos vote for their leaders next week, they will choose from among competing factions of the ruling wealthy classes that have held sway in these islands for the one hundred or so years of fanciful independence. The seriousness with which problems of the poor majority of the people will be taken into consideration will depend on the level of empathy allowed to the winning faction by the vested interests that support all of them. For this reason, it might be of benefit to ordinary patriotic Filipinos to analyze the real backgrounds of the four most likely winners on the 10th of May 2010.
The faction that is deemed to have the greatest chance of winning election is the Liberal Party of Noynoy Aquino and Mar Roxas. No other group can claim a bluer lineage than this one. The standard bearers are scions of well-known political families. Their most rabid supporters are acknowledged business leaders and their employees who are deeply committed to free market capitalist fundamentalisms. Although not fully united because of the reproductive health issue, the Catholic hierarchy at least approves of the Liberal Party’s pedigree. Faculty, students and management of the most important elitist academic institutions (Ateneo, La Salle, and U.P.) of the country are on their side.
Next in line according to the surveys are the Nacionalistas whose presidential candidate, Manny Villar, disclaims membership in the elite but who is nevertheless a fabulously wealthy businessman. His running mate, Loren Legarda, while espousing socially relevant causes such as environmentalism, comes from a family with impeccable elitist credentials. Businessmen, while uncomfortable with some of the standard-bearer’s business practices, are assured of his adherence to capitalist business philosophies. The most conservative anti-choice Catholic extremists are quite happy with recent pronouncements that the party’s platform can accommodate those who have no objections to high population growth rate economics. Young officials and staff of the party are mainly graduates of elite educational establishments - further reinforcing its conventional credentials.
Despite their impeccable elitist credentials, the Lakas-Kampi standard bearers, Teodoro and Manzano, are not given much of a chance of winning this year. Nevertheless, their party figures to have influence at least in the immediate aftermath of a new government. Many of its congressional candidates – especially the sitting elitist and super-conservative President – are almost certain of winning legislative seats. There are elements of the Catholic hierarchy who believe that they owe some loyalty to those who helped to resist the winds of progressivism in reproductive health. Given the record of its decade in power, Lakas-Kampi will certainly resist any but the feeblest attempts at social change.
Erap Estrada’s Puersa ng Masang Pilipino is possibly the only group that can claim some commitment to reforms in the structure of Philippine society – as shown by his record while in power. Nevertheless, despite the fact that he displeased his family by not graduating from any of the acceptable sectarian schools, the former president does come from a conventional elitist background. His running mate, while definitely plebeian in background, is also known to have amassed vast wealth. Although the Catholic Church remains opposed to the PMP as a general rule, the party has recruited into its ranks, individuals with known fundamentalist religious views. There are factions of capitalist-oriented businessmen who supported Erap in the past and who will continue to remain comfortable with his conservative socio-economic views.
In summary, there is little danger that the May 10, 2010 elections will topple the entrenched oligarchic elite endowed with political power over all Filipinos by William Howard Taft more than one hundred years ago. There is even less chance that the Roman Catholic Church, despite its setbacks and problems elsewhere in the world, will lose its dominant influence over Filipino minds and hearts. Social change, if it comes and if it will benefit the masses of Filipino poor, will be at best incremental – so gradual that those who suffer most may not notice at all.
In the light of this analysis, Erap and his PMP are more likely than any of the other contenders to maintain some commitment to the upliftment of the poor Filipino majority. Nevertheless they will certainly bear in their minds, the consequences of carrying that commitment so far as to once again stir the wrath of the establishment.
On May 9 1960, the United States Food and Drug Administration (US FDA) approved the hormonal preparation, Enovid, for marketing as contraceptive. That event 50 years ago is often credited with sparking the social upheavals of that decade often labelled as the “sexual revolution”. This simplistic juxtaposition does not take into account the fact that changes in the relationships between the sexes had been gathering momentum over a period of more than a century before science produced The Pill. The fact is that the winds of change had been blowing so hard that even that most conservative of institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, had taken notice and many believe would have gotten on the bandwagon if not for the unfortunate demise of the beloved John XXIII in 1962 – just two years after the US FDA’s action.
(Dr. Romualdez’ email address is This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it )
